Revolt of the Eternal

In recent years, there have been a revival of interests in Traditionalism, an eclectic school of thought that draws on elements of Eastern and Western religion, myth, and philosophy to provide a thought-provoking critique of modernity. Unfortunately, the critical stances of the principal Traditionalist thinkers towards such sacrosanct modern ideals as progress, secularism, democracy, and science have meant that few scholars are willing to engage with the subject on its own terms.
With his recent book Traditionalism: The Radical Project for Restoring Sacred Order, Mark Sedgwick (Professor of Arab and Islamic Studies at Aarhus University) helps to bridge this gap, offering fresh insights into a rich, though often misunderstood, tradition of thought that speaks to one of the defining questions of our time. That is, how can we reconcile ourselves to the wisdom of the past without compromising the achievements of the present?
Traditionalism, capital “T”
For Sedgwick, Traditionalism is a ‘metaphysical’ doctrine that rests on two fundamental pillars, both well established (though never predominant) in Western thought. The first is the belief in perennialism, the idea that beneath the world’s various religious traditions there lies a single, esoteric body of sacred teachings (i.e. the ‘Tradition’) that have been passed down since time immemorial. While the principal Traditionalist thinkers often differ among themselves as to the particular content of these teachings, they invariably describe a kind of ‘received wisdom’ distilled from religion, myth, and philosophy—what Huston Smith, a twentieth-century American Traditionalist, dubbed the “cumulative wisdom of the human race.” Because this wisdom is believed to have a divine rather than merely earthly origin, knowledge of the Tradition (typically imparted through ‘chains of transmission’ involving teacher and student) is also explicitly contrasted with the discursive mode of the Enlightenment, under which knowledge or truth arises from rational discourse and debate.
The second pillar is the Traditionalist historiography. Since at least the eighteenth-century, the dominant historical narrative in the West has been an essentially Whiggish account of history. That is to say, history is understood as a linear development where things are steadily improving. Though there may be occasional periods of regression, an optimistic view of human nature and the products of human ingenuity encourages the belief that a better, more prosperous world is always around the corner. A closely related idea is the tripartite division of human history into ancient-medieval-modern regularly taught in school.
Traditionalists, by contrast, adopt an older cyclical model, which imagines history as an entropic process of decline. As Sedgwick explains, “For Traditionalists, modernity represents not recovery, but a continuation of the Fall.” According to the Traditionalist narrative, history begins with a golden age during which humanity maintains its connection to the primordial Tradition. Eventually, however, some tragic mythical event (Adam’s decision to eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil for example) occurs and severs this connection, causing the golden age, or paradise, to be lost. As time goes on, humanity’s connection to the Tradition grows dimmer and dimmer, until finally what remains of the qualitative world of form and spirituality gives way completely to a dark, chaotic world of sheer quantity.
While the linear historical model meshes well with our contemporary notions of progress, Sedgwick observes that the prevalence of cyclical conceptions in so many of the world’s mythological traditions suggests that the modern view of history is the exception rather than the norm. The Greek myth of the ‘ages of man’ (as recounted by the poet Hesiod in the Works and Days), for example, describes the temporal decline of humanity over the course of five ages, beginning with the Golden Age, during which humans enjoyed a quasi-divine existence among the gods, and culminating in the present Iron Age, where evil is ascendent and virtues such as truth and loyalty have all but been forgotten. The Eastern equivalent of Hesiod’s model is the Hindu conception of four yugas, and the last of which—the Kali Yuga—denotes an age of strife where “the gods are absent, and disorder, immorality, and chaos grow.” Despite being generally understood as a linear narrative, Christianity also shares with the cyclical model the idea of an initial fall from glory followed by continuing temporal deterioration, at least until the return of Christ.
Modernity and its Discontents
Implicit in the Traditionalist historiography is the Traditionalist critique of modernity. This is also the point where Traditionalism becomes political, and thus more controversial. If modernity represents not evolution, but degeneration, then what of the cherished political ideals and institutions that have emerged over the course of the last three centuries?
As Sedgwick explains, modern Western political theory is rooted in the concept of popular sovereignty, or the idea that “the legitimacy of government depends on the will of the people and the consent of the governed.” From this fundamental axiom, modern Western political theory invariably arrives at a positive valuation of ideals such as democracy, freedom, equality, and fraternity (or solidarity) as the highest expressions of political life. Indeed, most academic debates in modern politics are about how best to realize these ideals, not their status as first principles.
In keeping with their aversion to all things modern, the Traditionalists reject the positive meaning attributed to these ideals, viewing them as signs of decadence that underscore how far we have fallen away from the wisdom of the Tradition. With regards to democracy and equality, for example, Traditionalists do not see the empowerment of the individual, but a smothering homogeneity that suppresses all true difference and leads to the advent of the ‘mass man.’ As Sedgwick explains, from the Traditionalist perspective, “Modern centralized administrations treat all persons as identical, and actually do their best to make them identical. Democracy and equality, in practice as well as in principle, try to make every individual as similar as possible to every other individual.”
Other criticisms are directed toward the centrality of science and technology in modern life, which the Traditionalists argue has alienated the human person in a spiritual sense, trapping him in what sociologist Max Weber famously described as a stahlhartes Gehӓuse, or ‘steel-hard cage.’ On the one hand, Traditionalists concede that science and technology have enabled us to exert considerable power over the natural world. Given its purely material theoretical basis, however, Traditionalists maintain that modern science is ultimately incapable of saying anything substantial about the spiritual or transcendent, and thus these dimensions of human experience are deemed subjective at best and nonexistent at worst. Many Traditionalists also argue that the rosy view of technology on which much modern thinking depends tends to overlook the darker possibility that “Material progress may also ultimately prove fatal, as many realize, seeing the great progress in armaments.”
Traditionalists are also natural opponents of secularism, which either consigns spiritual concerns to a restricted place in the social order or, in more extreme manifestations, attempts to eliminate spirituality altogether. The result, from the Traditionalist perspective, is the spread of social chaos and upheaval. Because man is by nature a spiritual being, Traditionalists also maintain that he will actively attempt to fill the void created by secularism with all manner of “pseudo-religions,” whether the idols of science and progress, totalitarian ideologies of one kind or another, or false spiritual or therapeutic paths such as psychoanalysis, which privileges the subconscious and thus “takes its victims on a descent into hell.”
While Sedgwick is of the opinion that the Traditionalists make the mistake of throwing the baby out with the bathwater by condemning modernity in its entirety, he also shows that the Traditionalist critique hardly emerged in a vacuum. As students of Classics will recall, Socrates and Plato rejected democracy on account of the tendency of democratic polities to slide into disorder. Throughout the nineteenth-century, the Enlightenment emphasis on rationality and science was challenged by everyone from the Romantic poets to philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Søren Kierkegaard. For twentieth-century thinkers like Hannah Arendt, Nicolás Gómez Dávila, and Ernst Jünger (to name a few), the loss of religion, tradition, and authority associated with modernity did not lead to greater freedom, but to the emergence of the totalitarian state. In this sense, the Traditionalist critique of modernity does not represent a break with the Western Tradition, as many of its critics assert, but a particular way of thinking from within that tradition.
Mystics, Warriors, and Scholars
An expert on Islamic history, Sedgwick explains that he first became aware of Traditionalism in the 1990s while researching Sufism in Cairo. It was during this period that Sedgwick encountered the work of René Guénon, a French mystic and prolific writer who can rightly be called the founder of Traditionalism (though Guénon himself would no doubt have disputed the notion that Traditionalism has any identifiable ‘founder’).
As Sedgwick explains, Guénon’s writings are primarily concerned with metaphysics, though some also dealt with subjects that could be considered more political. In The Crisis of the Modern World and Spiritual Authority and Temporal Power in particular, Guénon expressed admiration for pre-modern political orders such as those that existed in Europe during the Middle Ages as well as ancient Asian states like China and India. The defining characteristic of these civilizations for Guénon was the unity of spiritual and temporal power, an arrangement which in his view helped maintain a harmonious social order that was oriented toward the transcendent.
While Guénon could certainly be criticized for perpetuating an overly romantic view of pre-modern societies, he did not harbor any illusions about turning back the clock or reinstituting the divine right of kings. The most important task was always the recovery of traditional knowledge, without which any direct political action would not only be useless, but also potentially dangerous. For Guenon, this knowledge could only be acquired through initiation into some form of long-established traditional organization. By the twentieth century, however, such organizations had all but disappeared in the secular West. Guénon thus looked to the East, which in his view harbored the few unsullied initiatory paths remaining in modernity. In the early 1930s, Guénon relocated permanently to Cairo, where he joined a Sufi order and continued to write on subjects of traditional interest until his death in 1951.
By far the most polarizing Traditionalist is the Italian esotericist Julius Evola, who attempted to synthesize the Traditionalist project begun by Guénon with the political concerns of the European interwar Right, especially the so-called “Conservative Revolution,” with which he claimed a deep affinity.
